When AI Transcription Fails, Try Another Site

If you search on Ancestry for the sons of Haswell Magruder (1736-1811) in the 1810 census, you will probably find only Fielder (1780-1840) and William (1773-1842). Paging through the census images will reveal the other brothers, Samuel (abt 1765-1826) and Edward (1778-1842)–both quite readable, by the way.

Haswell’s daughters are also there, under their husbands’ names: James Moran, husband of Hester Beall Magruder (abt 1764-1832) and Adam Crawford (or Crauford), husband of his Sophia (abt 1771-1836). (Honestly, it looks like the girls just married the nearest man. Their choice or their father’s?)

All are in the “Scotland Ocean & Bladensburgh Hundreds.” The “hundreds” were the original districts, a terminology held over from colonial times.

But even knowing they were there, no amount of searching and no search engine trickery would cough up a result for Edward or Samuel.

…Until a big duh moment today, when I recalled the very different format on Family Search. It opens up a sidebar for transcriptions instead of a separate page, so you can scroll through both simultaneously. All I had to do was find Fielder and Haswell, on p. 53, and then scroll back to p. 50, where I knew the missing brothers were lurking. Both cleverly concealed, it turns out, under the transcriptions: “Ewd Maginden” and “Saml Maginden.”

When I entered those names on Ancestry, up they popped. I’ve entered alternate names for both, so hopefully future searches there will succeed.

Family Search link to p.50, Edward & Samuel — free
Ancestry Link to “Ewd Maginden” — requires a subscription

William Thomas Magruder, again

Since first posting about William T. Magruder (my great-great-grandfather’s first cousin) I have gone far, far down the rabbit hole, and (with the help of a few colleagues and collaborators) have been pulling together a narrative of his life. There are errors in my original post–not my own errors, except in the sense that I took sources at face value and now recognize the false assumptions they contain. Let it be a lesson in the basics of research! Find every possible source, compare them, and slowly sift the wheat from the chaff.

William did graduate from the military academy at West Point (in 1850, 11th in a class of 44), and he did change sides during the Civil War. As a U.S. Cavalry captain he fought in the Peninsula Campaign of 1862, but not at First Bull Run/First Manassas in 1861, as I said in my previous post.

His letter of resignation from the U.S. Army was written on 11 September 1862 and his resignation became official on October 1st. By October 27 he was in Richmond, offering his services to the Confederacy. He died the following July in the Pickett-Pettigrew charge at Gettysburg. William was not an officer in the 26th North Carolina, as claimed by the National Park Service site I previously linked to, but, rather, a staff officer for Brigadier General Joe Davis, nephew of Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederacy.

He was also a husband and the father of a wee boy. Despite his short life, William T. Magruder has many descendants.

In an unexpected convergence, I have also found William T. Magruder nearly on my doorstep.

From 1851 until 1858 William was a dragoon officer on the frontier, though rarely “Indian fighting,” as some summaries of his career may claim. As of 1853 he had taken part in just one actual fight, a skirmish with the Chippewa near his post at Ft. Snelling, Minnesota, in which he is said to have killed a man. In 1854 he was transferred to Ft. Union, New Mexico Territory, where he served on the regimental staff. In March and April of 1855 he took part in two expeditions against the Muache Utes and Jicarilla Apaches right here in southern Colorado (then New Mexico Territory), with some events not more than a few miles from my cabin in the Wet Mountain Valley.

What I don’t yet have is insight into William’s character, personality, or motivations. If you are a descendant or have any connection to his family, I would love to hear from you. According to sources I have seen, there is a William T. Magruder archive preserved in the family. As of 2015 it seems to have been in the possession of Sam Magruder.

Here is a little of what the internet tells me about his family.

William married Mary Clayton Hamilton in 1860, in Baltimore. Their only child, also William Thomas Magruder (1861-1935), was raised by Mary & her second husband, William F. Lewis, an Episcopal minister in Catskill, NY. Educated as an engineer, William T. Maguder (II) ended his career as chair of the Mechanical Engineering department at the Ohio State University. He married Ellen Fall Malone, of Nashville. Their children were:

  • William Thomas Magruder Jr. (Dec 1892-Jan 1943) (I know, he’s the third one, but apparently he was called Jr.) who married Eliza Warren (1893-1989). Their children were Anne Warren Magruder (unmarried); William Thomas Magruder III, who married Sammie Polson; Samuel Warren Magruder, who married Carolyn Warner Sterry; Ellen M. Magruder, who married Liston Nicholson, and later (apparently widowed) lived in Tucson, AZ.
  • Thomas Malone Magruder (Nov 1896-1948) an engineer, who married (1) Ellen Dunn Trabue. Their son Thomas Malone Magruder Jr. was born April 1930 & Ellen died a month later. Thomas Sr. then married (2) Elizabeth Mccarroll.
  • Thomas Malone Magruder Jr. (1930-2009) was an Episcopal minister and married Carol Ann Schnitzer. He died in Nevada.
  • I have names of grandchildren & great-grandchildren. Other family names include Cornes, Farnsworth, and Wildman.

If this is your family, I’d be grateful if you would write to me via the Contact tab at the top of every page on this site.

The effects of small slaveholding in Maryland

From Barbara Jean Fields’ Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century–some context on the problem of tracing African-American family members in Maryland.

Though almost anyone would select slave trading as the villain of almost any piece, small-scale slaveholding does not seem as obviously type-cast for the role of villainy. Nevertheless, much of the suffering incidental to slavery in Maryland resulted, directly or indirectly, from the small size of slaveholdings, a characteristic that had become steadily more marked over the years from the Revolution to the Civil War. Few holdings in Maryland would have rated the name “plantation” in the eyes of slaveholders from the lower South… (p 25)

Despite Fields’ claim that this was a growing phenomenon in the early years of the Republic, Russell Menard describes very similar patterns in the late 17th c. In the period 1658-1710, nearly half of all slaveholders owned only one or two people, and only 15 out of the 300 surveyed owned more than 20. “More than half of the slaves lived on plantations with ten or fewer blacks, nearly a third on estates with five or fewer…making isolation and loneliness a prominent fact of life for Africans in the Chesapeake colonies.” Evidence suggests that some slaves in this early period, especially those who were married, had more autonomy in their daily lives than was common in later periods. (Economy and Society in Early Colonial Maryland, pp 266-69)

Back to Fields:

The most common slaveholding in Maryland by 1860 was one slave; half the slaveholders owned fewer than three slaves, three-fourths fewer than eight, and 90 percent fewer than fifteen slaves. (p 24)

Small holdings divided family members among several owners, exacerbating the potential trauma of sale and attacking the integrity of family life even when the question of sale…did not arise. Husbands and wives might live apart…seeing each other only when granted permission… What went for husbands and wives also went for parents and children, and doubly so for  grandparents and grandchildren, brothers, sisters, cousins, aunts, and uncles. (p 26)

The desire to be reunited with family members figured prominently in escapes, as owners made clear when advertising…[For example], the purchaser of Barbary Williams, a fifty-year-old woman who escaped soon after being sold by her deceased owner’s estate, mentioned five different neighborhoods to which the fugitive might have gone seeking relatives, including her husband. (p 26)

The division of family members among a number of small slaveholders multiplied…the danger of a family’s disruption by the financial mischance or simple human mortality of an owner. Small slaveholders were more vulnerable than planters to the financial reverse that might require the liquidation of slave property. Slaves with families parceled out among several such owners must have lived in permanent apprehension of disaster, especially since the evidence of that disaster’s having befallen others lay constantly before them. From the death of an owner slaves had more to fear, furthermore, than the possibility of sale. For every slave sold upon the death of an owner, many others must have been simply sent elsewhere–to the residence of an heir, for example–where old attachments would be sundered as surely as if a sale had taken place. (p 26-27)

Here is one painful example from early Magruder history: in 1734, Sarah Beall Magruder (wife of Samuel Magruder, son of Alexander the immigrant) left her nine slaves to nine different heirs in eight households.

Wills of John Read Magruder Sr. & Jr. (& of George Lee)

Today I published info from the wills of John Read Magruder Sr (d 1811) & Jr (d 1831) under Slavery’s Legacy. Buried in there is some detail from the will of George Lee, a close family friend. There are no surnames in the lists of slaves from the two Magruder estates. The surname Gillam appears in Lee’s will, and all three documents include some family relationships among the slaves. Lee gave immediate freedom to a “yellow woman” named Letty and her son Carter, and freedom after ten years to Letty’s “yellow girl” Anna.